During Davis vs Bandemer, a redistricing case where the majority party had gerrymandered its way to 57 percent of state house seats with only 48% of the vote, Justice O’ Connor reported that any politician who does not exploit the redistricting process for partisan purposes “ought to be impeached”. This case and statement occured in 1986, but it makes one thing clear: partisan gerrymandering has been utilized, even encouraged, in American history for years.
The way that the supreme court, having the power to addresses gerrymandering in state legislatures, has responded to cases also raises questions about how the majority of the government views gerrymandering. In 2019, NPR reported that in a 5-4 decision along traditional conservative-liberal ideological lines, the Supreme Court ruled that partisan redistricting is a political question — not reviewable by federal courts — and that those courts can’t judge if extreme gerrymandering violates the Constitution. However, NPR reported in 2024, that the U.S. Supreme Court on made it far more difficult to challenge state redistricting plans as unconstitutional racial gerrymanders. By a vote of 6-to-3, along ideological lines, the court upheld a redistricting map drawn by the South Carolina legislature, a map that a lower court found had resulted in “the bleaching of African American voters” from a district.
From this, we can see that when some gerrymandered maps were being challenged, the Supreme Court used the excuse of “not having the jurisdiction” to determine the validity of the maps. But in other cases, where maps were challenged in favor of the republican party, the 6- majority republican Supreme Court found the map valid.
The Cornell Journal of Law and Public Policy brings this same practice into question, raising another one: to what degree is gerrymandering bad, versus simply a political tool.
The common population frowns on gerrymandering today, because it targets minorities, but if it were the other way around-how would the majrotiy of america feel then? Happy, retributed? Would gerrymandering still be such a crime?
The cornell journal of law answers this question by explaining that partisanship in redistricting, and therefore redistricting itself, is inevitable. If limited in one direction, it must go somewhere else. Rather than pushing redistricting
toward an exclusive focus on defensive gerrymandering.
Defensive gerrymandering refers to a redistricting strategy
aimed at making re-election safer for one’s own party.It is “defensive” in the sense that it defends what the redistricters already have.
The morality of it’s practice is also argued through the terms defensive versus offensive redistrcing.
Offensive gerrymandering refers to a redistricting strategy
aimed at making re-election more difficult for the opposition party. The gerrymandering is “offensive” in the sense that it attacks the opposition.
However, neither category, or definition can justify the impacts of gerrymandering on the common population.
During a redistricting cycle, Democrats alleged that Republicans went too far in
exploiting their control of redistricting in a number of key states, includ-
ing Pennsylvania, Michigan, Colorado, and Texas. Sam Hirsch argues
that partisan gerrymandering “may well conspire to keep Republicans in
the majority and Democrats in the minority for the next five Con-
gresses-even if, nationally, Democrats repeatedly capture more con-
gressional votes. They saw this as completely unconstituional.
However, all of the democratic backlash on gerrymandering raises the question on whether the practice is disagreed with, or it’s impacts. How far would either party go to further their political agendas?